Cross-Border Economic Bulletin - April/May 2002
Are Incomes in Baja California "Catching Up" to San Diego?

Since the early 1990s, economists have written extensively about income convergence between geographical regions. Not surprisingly, the idea of "convergence" has several definitions, but perhaps the most salient addresses the question whether incomes in one region are catching up to the level of income in a comparison region. For example, are incomes in Baja California catching up to the level of incomes in San Diego and Imperial Counties?

 
Jim Gerber

This particular question is important because it tells us a lot about the effects of US-Mexico integration. For example, a lack of income convergence would imply that a further deepening of the US-Mexico economic relationship might not have any effect in reducing average income differences. If incomes are not converging in the border region, where integration between the US and Mexico is most intense, then many of the pressures on US-Mexico relations—environmental contamination, migration, institutional capacity to enforce rules, trade and investment conflicts, etc.—are unlikely to diminish over time. This would be a worrisome prospect, as it would fly in the face of the assumptions of US and Mexican policymakers about the benefits of economic integration.

This issue of the Cross Border Economic Bulletin examines the issue of income convergence in our local border region. Its main findings are:

• There is no evidence of income convergence when pesos are converted to dollars at market exchange rates, but
• Failure to control for purchasing power differences between the peso and the dollar is misleading;
• Income convergence is very evident when purchasing power differences between the peso and dollar are taken into account;
• The historical pattern shows no income convergence from 1970-1985 and strong convergence from 1985-1999;
• Two forces behind income convergence include (1) a more rapid increase in worker productivity in Baja California than in San Diego or Imperial Counties; and (2) an increase in the share of Baja’s population that works.

The local pattern

The US Department of Commerce estimates annual income at the county-level but no Mexican agency provides equivalent estimates at the municipio-level. Since Mexico’s national statistical agency only publishes state-level data, city (municipio) incomes for Tijuana, Tecate, Mexicali, and other border jurisdictions have to be estimated. To my knowledge, no one has attempted to do this in a systematic way. However, using employment data from Mexico’s decennial Censuses of Population and Housing, it is possible to construct reasonable values based on (1) total state income, broken down by economic sectors and (2) the share of municipio employment in total state employment, again broken down by economic sector.

The result is a time series of estimates of income for each of the border municipios, in pesos. Given the purpose of this exercise, US dollars are used to compare incomes across the border. The estimates are shown in Table 1.

Table 1: Ouput per capita , US$, market exchange rates
1970
1985
1999
Mexicali
957
3,102
6,366
Tecate
927
2,761
5,800
Tijuana
1,122
3,182
6,800
Imperial Co.
4,736
13,399
20,951
San Diego Co.
5,693
19,802
35,204
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the US Department of Commerce and INEGI

According to Table 1, Mexican incomes remain approximately the same 17-20 percent of San Diego income in 1999 as they were in 1970. Clearly there is no catching up, and the situation could even be described as having deteriorated, given that the absolute difference between San Diego and Tecate, the poorest region, widens from about $4,700 to $29,000. Even if adjustments for inflation between 1970 and 1999 are taken into account, the real gap widens in absolute terms.

Table 1 is useful for understanding the purchasing power of Mexican income earners who convert their pesos to dollars and spend them in the US. This is the sort of information that a US exporter might want to have if they are trying to sell US-made goods in Mexico. The numbers in Table 1 are absolutely misleading, however, if they are used to estimate the purchasing power of Mexican incomes inside Mexico. The reason for the distortion is that prices are not the same in Mexico and the US, so that 6,800 US dollars in Mexico buys a larger basket of goods and services than it buys in the US. In other words, an accurate comparison of living standards requires a further adjustment to allow for differences in prices between the US and Mexico.

Table 2 shows the same information as Table 1, but adjusted for purchasing power differences in the two countries, and price changes over time. The estimates in Table 2 use information from the International Comparisons Project at the University of Pennsylvania, which is updated in the Penn World Table of international comparisons. Estimates given in Table 1 are adjusted to capture the differences in the peso’s purchasing power inside and outside Mexico.

Table 2: Ouput per capita , 1985 US$, purchasing power parity
1970
1985
1999
Mexicali
5,482
6,995
10,398
Tecate
5,312
6,228
9,474
Tijuana
6,432
7,176
11,106
Imperial Co.
13,134
13,399
13,532
San Diego Co.
15,789
19,802
22,737
Source: See Table 1; Penn World Table

Once price differences are taken into account, convergence in incomes is evident. Mexican border incomes in Baja California are about one-third of San Diego incomes in 1970. They maintain about the same one-third of San Diego incomes until approximately 1985, but start to close the gap thereafter.
By 1999, they are about one-half San Diego incomes.

The pattern along the US-Mexico border

Looking beyond local conditions in the California-Baja California border region, the pattern of convergence repeats itself along the entire US-Mexico border. Little or no income convergence takes place from 1970 to 1985, followed by significant convergence from 1985 to 1999. Statistically, the rate of convergence is a little over 2 percent per year, at which rate about half the income gap disappears in approximately 27 years.

It is significant that convergence appears sometime in the mid-1980s (given the gap in years, it is impossible to be certain about the year-to-year pattern or to precisely date the turnaround) since that is the period when Mexico began its economic policy reforms. For example, Mexico joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT, now subsumed under the WTO) in 1986, and a few years later opened the NAFTA negotiations.

It is also significant that the speed of convergence is propelled by the much faster growth that has taken place in Mexican border cities in the states of Coahuila and Chihuahua, located in the central part of the border region. Growth rates of income and productivity have been much higher in that region, and the income gap has closed faster.

Why convergence occurs

Standard economic theory predicts income convergence between developing regions and high income, industrially developed ones. The reason for the prediction is that capital is scarce in the former and abundant in the latter, causing rates of return to be higher in low income areas, and capital to flow into them. It’s a nice theory, but looking at data from around the world, it does not hold empirically. In most cases, the gap between rich areas and poor areas has grown, and has created a large and growing economics literature devoted to explaining the patterns.

Many economists share the idea that there are "convergence clubs," which are regions or groups of relatively homogeneous countries where differences diminish over time (for example, countries in Western Europe). The forces responsible for the pattern of convergence within groups is still debated, but at least some economists believe that there is a type of "contagion" that works in the economy. Contagion can happen through the integration of markets, investment and trade flows, labor flows, technology sharing, educational institutions that cross boundaries, and any number of other forces that lead to border crossing. It is not difficult, then, to see the US-Mexico border in these terms.

In particular, the data show that productivity has grown much more rapidly in the border region of Mexico. This is precisely what one would expect given the social and economic integration of the border and the resulting opportunities for US, Asian, European, and other investment to bear fruit.

Table 3 shows labor productivity in constant dollar (1985 dollars) purchasing power parity terms. From this perspective, the productivity differences between a worker in Tijuana, and one in the Imperial Valley, is almost insignificant. Indeed, comparisons along the entire US-Mexico border show that a number of US counties have lower productivity than a number of Mexican cities, or municipios.

Table 3: Ouput per worker, 1985 US$, purchasing power parity
1970
1985
1999
Mexicali
21,424
20,987
28,362
Tecate
21,551
18,714
27,496
Tijuana
23,956
20,466
30,487
Imperial Co.
28,666
32,245
31,016
San Diego Co.
33,262
36,072
38,526
Source: See Table 2

Conclusion: What we haven’t measured

Income convergence along the border is happening, but it is worth clarifying what has not been measured in this exercise. In particular, the estimates in this Bulletin are based on a regional—county or city—equivalent of gross national product per person. The local estimates vary by state income, structure of the economy, and the number of people working in each sector, but it is a crude measure of the total value of output. In particular, it does not measure distribution, either within the region, or between the region and the rest of the country. For example, if Mexico City takes a large share of the output in the form of taxes, and returns a smaller share of the output in the form of revenues to cities, it is not reflected in the numbers. In addition, the numbers are an average value based on a calculation that assumes everyone is given an equal share of the pie. Inequality in the distribution of income, which is very high in Mexico by world standards, is also not reflected in the data. And finally, all the usual "bads" of an economy escape measurement in the figures on national and regional output, with environmental damage and crime among the more prominent of these.

In spite of these limitations, it is heartening to see that the region is not forever doomed to its current income asymmetry. In particular, the closing of the productivity gap, as shown in Table 3, is the only long run foundation for reducing the US-Mexico income gap.

A longer version of this Bulletin is available on the author’s website.

The Cross-Border Economic Bulletin is prepared monthly by Dr. Jim Gerber, professor of economics at San Diego State University. It is underwritten by